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My value is to be Sex ethiopian something else within a dthiopian. The questionnaire was geared in Many and then interested into Or the Ethiopian national language and then back-translated into English by a language expert. We did a good of two minds to absentees at the first feel. He told me about the 'sports'.
A sex worker does not have a life. But I have nothing else to do, there is nothing else I can do to survive.
I have no choice. This is the only thing I can do. I am not happy about it. I Sex ethiopian have five or six clients a day, and they each pay around five birr. I pay half of Sex ethiopian I earn in rent I share with two other women and my son, who is nine years old. When you first agree a room with the landlord, he makes you swear that you will give him 50 per cent of what you earn and I am afraid of what might happen if I try to hide how much I make. It is difficult sometimes, because if I have not had enough clients and do not have much money, my landlord does not believe me. I have to borrow money from others and give it to him.
My son goes to school and has to stay there until the end of my working day, which is usually about 9pm. It is a Koran school, a madrasa. This is a horrible life and I am very depressed about it. I would like to quit the job and bring my son up properly. It was very difficult when he was little.
Ethiopia: 'A sex worker does not have a life'
I don't know if he knows what I do — he might but I have never told him. I don't want to marry. I just do not want to. This job has made me hate men. People differ in nature. Some are hot-tempered, some are disloyal, some are drunk, some are not. It just makes me hate men. I Sex ethiopian a lot about disease. Most men are OK about using condoms but some are not and are willing to pay more not to. In Zambia, behavioural interventions have led to a decline in the prevalence of What does mean hookup with girl [ 7 ].
In many societies, premarital sex is a taboo, especially among unmarried girls [ 8 ]. This norm is widespread in rural Ethiopia, as in many traditional societies [ 9 ]. Indeed, several studies from Ethiopia have shown that young people are engaged in premarital sex, have multiple sexual partners, and do not use condoms at all or use them irregularly [ 11 - 18 ]. Most of the studies conducted in Ethiopia represent school youth in urban settings, and often exclude people between 20 and 24 years of age and young married people [ 12 - 141819 ]. Studies related to cultural causes are rarely mentioned [ 10162021 ].
There is a scarcity of rural-based studies in this area [ 22 ]. We did this study to assess the effect of traditional norms of virginity on premarital sex and risky sex in marriage in a rural setting of Ethiopia. Methods Design, sampling, settings, and participants We did a cross-sectional study in nine rural and one urban area in the Butajira Rural Health Programme BRHP demographic and health surveillance site in south central Ethiopia in [ 23 ]. The study participants were youth, 15—24 years of age, living in the areas that were under surveillance. There were 10, young people, 15—24 years of age, living in the study site in Among these young people, We randomly selected 4, participants stratified, proportionate to the size of the 9 rural and 1 urban sites, using the BRHP database frame.
The age and gender distribution of the sample was in accordance with the database, where We used age reported by the respondents at data collection for the results. Tracing of the individuals was possible using the database individual identifiers, such as individual identification numbers, household numbers, and name. The sampling method was aimed at obtaining a representative sample of sexually active youth [ 24 ]. The non-responses were mostly associated with absentees ; 9. Data collection procedures We used a pre-tested and pre-coded questionnaire. The questionnaire was prepared in English and then translated into Amharic the Ethiopian national language and then back-translated into English by a language expert.
We interviewed the study participants in Amharic. Interviewers who had completed high school and trained for five days collected the data. Same gender interviewers were used to decrease embarrassment as some of the questions were about personal sexual lifestyle issues. Interviews were conducted face-to-face in a household. We did a minimum of two revisits to absentees at the first visit. Two experienced supervisors and one field coordinator supervised the data collection. The collected questionnaires were checked every day and incomplete or inconsistent ones were sent back to the field for correction. Variables The traditional norm of virginity was assessed using nine items.
Beliefs about traditional values of virginity were determined based on the following question: The response categories included three multiple choice responses: The responses were further dichotomized into two responses: Beliefs about girls' and boys' virginity were determined by the following two questions: The response categories were stated as "Yes" or "No. The response categories included five alternatives related to the prevention of HIV, sexually transmitted infections STIsand marital conditions, from which respondents could only choose one.
The youth were asked to give their reasons and the enumerators marked according to the response.